How Much Money Does The Umwa Have

Northward American labor matrimony

UMWA
United Mine Workers of America

Founded	January 25, 1890; 132 years ago (1890-01-25) Columbus, Ohio, U.S.
Headquarters	Triangle, Virginia, U.S.
Location	Usa, Canada
Members	80,000
Key people	Cecil Roberts, president
Affiliations	AFL–CIO, CLC
Website	www.umwa.org

The United Mine Workers of America (UMW or UMWA) is a North American labor marriage best known for representing coal miners. Today, the Union also represents health intendance workers, truck drivers, manufacturing workers and public employees in the United States and Canada.^[1] Although its main focus has always been on workers and their rights, the UMW of today besides advocates for better roads, schools, and universal health intendance.^[2] By 2014, coal mining had largely shifted to open pit mines in Wyoming, and there were simply threescore,000 active coal miners. The UMW was left with 35,000 members, of whom twenty,000 were coal miners, chiefly in hush-hush mines in Kentucky and Westward Virginia. However information technology was responsible for pensions and medical benefits for forty,000 retired miners, and for l,000 spouses and dependents.^[iii]

The UMW was founded in Columbus, Ohio, on January 25, 1890, with the merger of two old labor groups, the Knights of Labor Trade Assembly No. 135 and the National Progressive Miners Union.^[iv] Adopting the model of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), the union was initially established every bit a three-pronged labor tool: to develop mine safe; to improve mine workers' independence from the mine owners and the company store; and to provide miners with commonage bargaining power.

After passage of the National Recovery Act in 1933 during the Great Depression, organizers spread throughout the United States to organize all coal miners into labor unions. Under the powerful leadership of John L. Lewis, the UMW bankrupt with the American Federation of Labor and prepare its own federation, the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations). Its organizers fanned out to organize major industries, including automobiles, steel, electrical equipment, rubber, paint and chemical, and fought a series of battles with the AFL. The UMW grew to 800,000 members and was an chemical element in the New Deal Coalition supporting Democratic President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Lewis broke with Roosevelt in 1940 and left the CIO, leaving the UMW increasingly isolated in the labor movement. During World War Ii the UMW was involved in a series of major strikes and threatened walkouts that angered public opinion and energized pro-business opponents. After the war, the UMW full-bodied on gaining big increases in wages, medical services and retirement benefits for its shrinking membership, which was contending with changes in technology and declining mines in the Due east.

Coal mining [edit]

Development of the Union [edit]

The UMW was founded at Columbus Metropolis Hall in Columbus, Ohio, on January 25, 1890, by the merger of two earlier groups, the Knights of Labor Merchandise Assembly No. 135 and the National Progressive Miners Marriage.^[five] It was modeled later on the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The Union's emergence in the 1890s was the culmination of decades of effort to organize mine workers and people in side by side occupations into a single, effective negotiating unit. At the time coal was 1 of the most highly sought natural resources, equally it was widely used to rut homes and to power machines in industries. The coal mines were a competitive and dangerous place to work. With the owners imposing reduced wages on a regular basis,^[ii] in response to fluctuations in pricing, miners sought a group to stand upwardly for their rights.

Early efforts [edit]

American Miners' Association

The first footstep in starting the union was the creation of the American Miners' Association. Scholars credit this system with the beginning of the labor move in the United States.^[2] The membership of the group grew chop-chop. "Of an estimated 56,000 miners in 1865, John Hinchcliffe claimed 22,000 as members of the AMA.^[2] In response, the mine owners sought to stop the AMA from becoming more powerful. Members of the AMA were fired and blacklisted from employment at other mines. Afterwards a short time the AMA began to decline, and eventually ceased operations.

Workingman's Chivalrous Clan

Another early on labor union that arose in 1868 was the Workingmen's Benevolent Clan. This union was distinguished as a labor union for workers mining black coal. The laborers formed the WBA to help amend pay and working conditions. The main reason for the success of this group was the president, John Siney, who sought a way both to increase miners benefits while too helping the operators earn a turn a profit. They chose to limit the production of anthracite to keep its price profitable. Because the efforts of the WBA benefited the operators, they did not object when the matrimony wanted to take activity in the mines; they welcomed the actions that would secure their profit. Because the operators trusted the WBA, they agreed to the first written contract between miners and operators.^[2] Every bit the union became more responsible in the operators' eyes, the wedlock was given more freedoms. As a result, the wellness and spirits of the miners significantly improved.^[2]

The WBA could have been a very successful union had it not been for Franklin B. Gowen. In the 1870s Gowen endemic the Reading Railroad, and bought several coal mines in the surface area. Because he endemic the coal mines and controlled the means of transporting the coal, he was able to slowly destroy the labor marriage. He did everything in his power to produce the cheapest production and to ensure that not-union workers would benefit. Equally conditions for the miners of the WBA worsened, the matrimony broke up and disappeared.^[two]

After the fall of the WBA, miners created many other small unions, including the Workingman's Protective Association (WPA) and the Miner's National Association (MNA). Although both groups had strong ideas and goals, they were unable to proceeds enough support and organization to succeed. The two unions did not last long, but provided greater support by the miners for a matrimony which could withstand and assist protect the workers' rights.^[ii]

1870s [edit]

Although many labor unions were failing, ii predominant unions arose that held promise to become potent and permanent advocates for the miners. The main problem during this time was the rivalry between the two groups. Because the National Trade Assembly #135, meliorate known as the Knights of Labor, and the National Federation of Miners and Mine Laborers were so opposed to one some other, they created problems for miners rather than solving fundamental issues.

National Merchandise Assembly #135 [edit]

The Smashing Seal of the Knights of Labor.

This union was more unremarkably known every bit the Knights of Labor and began around 1870 in the Philadelphia, Pennsylvania area. The chief problem with the Knights of Labor was its secrecy.^[two] The members kept very private their affiliation and goals of the Knights of Labor. Considering both miners and operators could become members, there was no commonality to unite the members. As well, the matrimony did not see strikes as a ways to attain rights. To many people of the time, a strike was the only way that they believed they would be heard.

The Knights of Labor tried to establish a stiff and organized union, and then they set a arrangement of local assemblies, or LAs. There were two main types of LAs, trade and mixed, with the merchandise LA being the about common. Although this system was put into identify to create order, it did the contrary. Fifty-fifty though there were only ii categories of LAs, there were many sub-divisions. For the about function it was incommunicable to tell how many trade and mixed LAs there were at a given time. Local assemblies began to arise and fall all effectually, and many members began to question whether or not the Knights of Labor was potent enough to fight for the most of import consequence of the time, achieving an eight-hour piece of work day.^[two]

National Federation of Miners and Mine Laborers [edit]

This Matrimony was formed past members of the Knights of Labor who realized that a secret and unified group would not turn into a successful marriage. The founders, John McBride, Chris Evans and Daniel McLaughlin, believed that creating an eight-60 minutes work day would non but exist benign for workers, but besides as a ways to stop overproduction, which would in plow aid operators. The marriage was able to go cooperation from operators considering they explained that the miners wanted better conditions because they felt as if they were office of the mining industry and also wanted the company to grow. But in order for the company to grow, the workers must have better conditions and so that their labor could ameliorate and benefit the operators.

The union's commencement priority was to get a fair weighing system inside the mines. At a conference between the operators and the union, the idea of a new system of scaling was agreed upon, but the organization was never implemented. Considering the matrimony did not evangelize what information technology had promised, information technology lost support and members.^[2]

1880s [edit]

During this time, the rivalry between the ii unions increased and eventually led to the formation of the UMW. The first of many arguments arose after the 1886 joint conference. The Knights of Labor did not desire the NTA #135 to exist in command, and so they went against a lot of their decisions. Likewise, because the Knights of Labor were not in omnipresence at the conference, they were not able to vote confronting deportment which they thought detrimental to proceeds rights for workers. The conference passed resolutions requiring the Knights of Labor to surrender their secrecy and publicize material about its members and locations. The National Federation held another conference in 1887 attended by both groups. But it was unsuccessful in gaining agreement by the groups every bit to the next actions to take. In 1888, Samuel Gompers was elected as President of the National Federation of Miners, and George Harris first vice president.^[vi]

Throughout 1887-1888 many joint conferences were held to help iron out the problems that the two groups were having. Many leaders of each groups began questioning the morals of the other union. One leader, William T. Lewis, thought in that location needed to be more unity within the union, and that competition for members between the ii groups was non accomplishing anything. As a outcome of taking this position, he was replaced by John B. Rae as president of the NTA #135. This removal did non end Lewis even so; he got many people together who had been also thrown out of the Knights of Labor for trying to belong to both parties at once, along with the National Federation, and created the National Progressive Union of Miners and Mine Laborers (NPU).

Although the goal of the NPU in 1888 was ostensibly to create unity between the miners, it instead drew a stronger line distinguishing members of the NPU against those of the NTA #135. Considering of the rivalry, miners of one labor union would not support the strikes of some other, and many strikes failed. In December 1889, the president of the NPU ready a joint briefing for all miners. John McBride, the president of NPU, suggested that the Knights of Labor should join the NPU to course a stronger union. John B. Rae reluctantly agreed and decided that the merged groups would come across on Jan 22, 1890.^[2]

Constitution of the Union: The Eleven Points [edit]

When the wedlock was founded, the values of the UMWA were stated in the preamble:

We have founded the United Mine Workers of America for the purpose of ... educating all mine workers in America to realize the necessity of unity of action and purpose, in demanding and securing by lawful ways the just fruits of our toil.^[2]

The UMWA constitution listed eleven points every bit the union's goals:

Payment of a salary commensurate with the dangerous piece of work conditions. This was i of the most of import points of the constitution.
Payment to exist fabricated adequately in legal tender, not with company scrip.
Provide condom working atmospheric condition, with operators to apply the latest technologies in gild to preserve the lives and health of workers.
Provide better ventilation systems to decrease black lung illness, and meliorate drainage systems.
Enforce rubber laws and make it illegal for mines to have inadequate roof supports, or contaminated air and h2o in the mines.
Limit regular hours to an eight-hour work day.
End child labor, and strictly enforce the child labor law.
Take authentic scales to counterbalance the coal products, so workers could be paid adequately. Many operators had altered scales that showed a lighter weight of coal than actually produced, resulting in underpayment to workers. Miners were paid per pound of coal that they produced.
Payment should be made in legal tender.
Establish unbiased public police forces in the mine areas that were non controlled by the operators. Many operators hired private police, who were used to harass the mine workers and impose visitor power. In company towns, the operators owned all the houses and controlled the police force; they could arbitrarily evict workers and arrest them unjustly.
The workers reserved the right to strike, but would work with operators to reach reasonable conclusions to negotiations.^[ii]

John L. Lewis [edit]

John Fifty. Lewis (1880 – 1969) was the highly antagonistic UMW president who thoroughly controlled the union from 1920 to 1960. A major role player in the labor motion and national politics, in the 1930s he used UMW activists to organize new unions in autos, steel and rubber. He was the driving force behind the founding of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). It established the United Steel Workers of America and helped organize millions of other industrial workers in the 1930s.

After resigning equally head of the CIO in 1941, he took the Mine Workers out of the CIO in 1942 and in 1944 took the union into the American Federation of Labor (AFL). Lewis was a Republican, only he played a major role in helping Franklin D. Roosevelt win re-ballot with a landslide in 1936, merely as an isolationist supported past Communist elements in the CIO, Lewis broke with Roosevelt in 1940 on anti-Nazi foreign policy. (Following the 1939 German-Soviet pact of nonaggression, the Comintern had instructed communist parties in the W to oppose whatsoever support for nations at war with Nazi Germany).^[7]).

Lewis was a brutally effective and aggressive fighter and strike leader who gained high wages for his membership while steamrolling over his opponents, including the Us government. Lewis was 1 of the nigh controversial and innovative leaders in the history of labor, gaining credit for building the industrial unions of the CIO into a political and economic powerhouse to rival the AFL, nonetheless was widely hated as he chosen nationwide coal strikes damaging the American economic system in the middle of World War II. His massive leonine caput, wood-like eyebrows, firmly set jaw, powerful phonation, and e'er-nowadays scowl thrilled his supporters, angered his enemies, and delighted cartoonists. Coal miners for xl years hailed him as the benevolent dictator who brought high wages, pensions and medical benefits, and damn the critics.^[8]

Achievements [edit]

An eight-hr work day was gained in 1898.^[nine] The commencement ideas of this demand were outlined in signal six of the constitution.
The union achieved collective bargaining rights in 1933.^[9]
Health and retirement benefits for the miners and their families were earned in 1946.^[9]
In 1969, the UMWA convinced the The states Congress to enact the landmark Federal Coal Mine Wellness and Safety Act, which provided bounty for miners suffering from Black Lung Affliction.
Relatively loftier wages for unionized miners by the early 1960s.^[10]

List of strikes [edit]

The marriage'south history has numerous examples of strikes in which members and their supporters clashed with company-hired strikebreakers and government forces. The nigh notable include:

1890s [edit]

Morewood massacre - April 3, 1891, in Morewood, Pennsylvania. A crowd of more often than not immigrant strikers were fired on by deputized members of the 10th Regiment of the National Guard. At least ten strikers were killed and dozens injured.
Bituminous Coal Miners' Strike of 1894 - Apr 21, 1894. This nationwide strike was called when the spousal relationship was hardly four years old. Many of the workers salaries had been cut by 30%^[two] and with the demand for coal down during the recession, workers were drastic for work. The national guard was mobilized in several states to forestall or control violent clashes between strikers and strike breakers. The workers intended to strike for three weeks, hoping that this would produce a demand for coal and their wages would increase with its ascension price. Merely, many spousal relationship miners did not wish to cooperate with this plan and did not return to work at all. The matrimony appeared weak. Other workers did non go out on strike, and with the demand depression, they were able to produce sufficient coal. By existence efficient in the mines, the operators saw no need to increment the wages of all the workers, and did not seem to care if the strike would end.

By June the need for coal began to increment, and some operators decided to pay the workers their original salaries before the wage cut. However, not all demands across the country were met, and some workers continued to strike. The young union suffered damage in this uneven effort. The most important goal of the 1894 strike was not the restoration of wages, but rather the establishment of the UMWA as a cooperation at a national level.

Lattimer Massacre - September 10, 1897. 19 miners were killed past police in Lattimer, Pennsylvania during a march in support of unions.
Battle of Virden - Oct 1898. This was role of the larger mine wars that established Illinois equally the leading matrimony state in the state, and a reason that Mary Harris "Mother" Jones is cached at Mount Olive, Illinois.

Early 1900s [edit]

The 5-month Coal Strike of 1902, led by the United Mine Workers and centered in eastern Pennsylvania, concluded after directly intervention of President Theodore Roosevelt as a neutral arbitrator.
1903 Colorado coal strike - October 1903. The United Mine Workers conducted a strike in Colorado, chosen in October 1903 by President Mitchell, and lasting into 1904. The strike, while overshadowed by a simultaneous strike conducted past the Western Federation of Miners amidst difficult stone miners in the Cripple Creek District, contributed to the labor struggles in Colorado. These came to be known every bit the Colorado Labor Wars.^{[ citation needed ]} During the United Mine Workers effort, operators directed their private forces to attack and beat traveling marriage officers and organizers, which ultimately helped to intermission the strike. These beatings were a mystery until publication of The Pinkerton Labor Spy (1907) by Morris Friedman, which revealed that the UMWA had been infiltrated by labor spies from the Pinkerton bureau.^[11]
1908 Alabama coal strike - June–August 1908. Notable because the 18,000 UMWA-organized strikers, more than half of those working in the Birmingham District, were racially integrated. That fact helped galvanize political opposition to the strikers in the segregated state. The governor used the Alabama State Militia to end the work stoppage. The union adopted racial segregation of workers in Alabama in society to reduce the political threat to the arrangement.^[12] ^[13] ^[14]
Westmoreland Canton Coal Strike - 1910-1911, a 16-calendar month coal strike in Pennsylvania led largely past Slovak immigrant miners, this strike involved 15,000 coal miners. 16 people were killed during the strike, nearly all of them striking miners or members of their families.
Colorado Coalfield War - September 1913–December 1914. A ofttimes violent strike against the John D. Rockefeller, Jr.-Colorado Fuel and Iron company. Many strikers and opposition were killed before the violent reached a acme following the 20 April 1914 Ludlow Massacre. An estimated 20 people, including women and children, were killed past armed police, hired guns, and Colorado National Guardsmen who broke up a tent colony formed past families of miners who had been evicted from company-owned housing. The strike was partially led past John R. Lawson, a UMWA organizer and saw the participation of famed activist Female parent Jones. The UMWA purchased role of Ludlow site and constructed the Ludlow Monument in celebration of those who died.
Hartford coal mine riot - July 1914. The surface constitute of the Prairie Creek coal mine was destroyed, and two non-union miners murdered past union miners and sympathizers. The mine owners sued the local and national organizations of the United Mine Workers Union. The national UMWA was found not complicit, but the local was judged culpable of encouraging the rioters, and made to pay US$two.1 million.^[fifteen]

"KEEPING WARM"
Los Angeles Times
November 22, 1919

United Mine Workers coal strike of 1919 - Nov 1, 1919. Some 400,000 members of the United Mine Workers went on strike on Nov 1, 1919, although Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer had invoked the Lever Act, a wartime measure criminalizing interference with the production or transportation of necessities, and obtained an injunction confronting the strike on October 31.^[16] ^[17] The coal operators smeared the strikers with charges that Russian communist leaders Lenin and Trotsky had ordered the strike and were financing information technology, and some of the press repeated those claims.^[xviii]
Matewan, W Virginia - May xix, 1920. 12 men were killed in a gunfight betwixt town residents and the Baldwin–Felts Detective Agency, hired past mine owners. Managing director John Sayles directed a feature picture, Matewan, based on these events.
The 'Redneck War' - 1920-21. More often than not viewed as beginning with the Matewan Massacre, this disharmonize involved the struggle to unionize the southwestern expanse of West Virginia. It led to the march of 10,000 armed miners on the canton seat at Logan. In the Battle of Blair Mountain, miners fought state militia, local constabulary, and mine guards. These events are depicted in the novels Storming Heaven (1987) by Denise Giardina and Blair Mountain (2005) past Jonathan Lynn.
1920 Alabama coal strike, a lengthy, fierce, expensive and fruitless attempt to reach wedlock recognition in the coal mines effectually Birmingham left xvi men dead; ane black human being was lynched.
Herrin massacre occurred in June 1922 in Herrin, Illinois. xix strikebreakers and ii spousal relationship miners were killed in mob activity between June 21–22, 1922.

1922-1925 Nova Scotia strikes [edit]

In the 1920s, about 12,000 Nova Scotia miners were represented by the UMWA.^[xix] These workers lived in very difficult economic circumstances in company towns. The Dominion Steel and Coal Corporation, also known as the British Empire Steel Corporation, or BESCO, controlled nigh coal mines and every steel mill in the province.^[19] BESCO was in financial difficulties and repeatedly attempted to reduce wages and bosom the union.

Led by J. B. McLachlan, miners struck in 1923, and were met by locally and provincially-deployed troops. This would somewhen pb to the federal government introducing legislation limiting the civil employ of troops.^[xix]

In 1925 BESCO announced that it would non longer give credit at their company stores and that wages would be cutting by 20%. The miners responded with a strike. This led to violence with company constabulary firing on strikers, killing miner William Davis, as well as the annexation and arson of company holding.^[xix]

This crisis led to the Nova Scotia government acting in 1937 to amend the rights of all wage earners, and these reforms served every bit a model across Canada, at both provincial and federal levels.^[nineteen]

The Brookside Strike [edit]

In the summer of 1973, workers at the Duke Power-owned Eastover Mining Company'southward Brookside Mine and Prep Plant in Harlan County, Kentucky, voted to join the union. Eastover direction refused to sign the contract and the miners went on strike. Duke Power attempted to bring in replacement non-union workers or "scabs" simply many were blocked from entering the mine by striking workers and their families on the spotter line. Local judge F. Byrd Hogg was a coal operator himself and consistently ruled for Eastover. During much of the strike the mine workers' wives and children joined the picket lines. Many were arrested, some hit by baseball bats, shot at, and struck past cars. 1 striking miner, Lawrence Jones, was shot and killed by a Strikebreaker.

Three months afterward returning to work, the national UMWA contract expired. On Nov 12, 1974, 120,000 miners nationwide walked off the job. The nationwide strike was bloodless and a tentative contract was achieved three weeks later. This opened the mines and reactivated the railroad haulers in time for Christmas. These events are depicted in the documentary film Harlan County, U.s.a..

The Pittston strike [edit]

The Pittston Coal strike of 1989-1990 began as a issue of a withdrawal of the Pittston Coal Group too known as the Pittston Visitor from the Bituminous Coal Operators Association (BCOA) and a refusal of the Pittston Coal group to pay the health insurance payments for miners who were already retired. The possessor of the Pittston visitor at the time, Paul Douglas, left the BCOA considering he wanted to be able to produce coal vii days a week and did not want his company to pay the fee for the insurance.

The Pittson visitor was seen every bit having inadequate rubber standards afterwards the Buffalo Creek inundation of 1972 in which 125 miners were killed.^[4] The company also was very financially unstable and in debt. The mines associated with the company were located by and large in Virginia, with mines also in West Virginia and Kentucky.

On 31 January 1988 Douglas cutting off retirement and health care funds to almost 1500 retired miners, widows of miners, and disabled miners.^[iv] To avoid a strike, Douglas threatened that if a strike were to accept place, that the miners would be replaced by other workers. The UMW called this action unjust and took the Pittston visitor to courtroom.

Miners worked from January 1988 to April 1989 without a contract. Tension in the company grew and on 5 April 1989 the workers declared a strike.^[4] Many months of both violent and nonviolent strike actions took place. On 20 February 1990 a settlement was finally reached between the UMWA and the Pittston Coal Company.

Internal conflict [edit]

The spousal relationship's history has sometimes been marked by internal strife and abuse, including the 1969 murder of Joseph Yablonski, a reform candidate who lost a race for spousal relationship president confronting incumbent W. A. Boyle, forth with his married woman and 25-year-old daughter. Boyle was later bedevilled of ordering these murders.

The killing of Yablonski resulted in the birth of a pro-democracy movement called the "Miners for Republic" (MFD) which swept Boyle and his regime out of function, and replaced them with a grouping of leaders who had been near recently rank and file miners.

Led past new president Arnold Miller, the new leadership enacted a series of reforms which gave UMWA members the correct to elect their leaders at all levels of the marriage and to ratify the contracts nether which they worked.

Decline of labor unionism in mining [edit]

Decreased faith in the UMW to support the rights of the miners caused many to leave the union. Coal demand was curbed by competition from other energy sources. The main cause of the decline in the spousal relationship during the 1920s and 1930s was the introduction of more efficient and easily produced machines into the coal mines.^[2] In previous years, less than 41% of coal was cut by the machines. However, past 1930, 81% was existence cut by the machines and at present there were machines that could also surface mine and load the coal into the trucks.^[two] With more than machines that could exercise the same labor, unemployment in the mines grew and wages were cut back. As the problems grew, many people did not believe that the UMW could always become as powerful every bit it was before the start of the state of war.^[ii] The reject in the wedlock began in the 1920s and continued through the 1930s.^[ii] Slowly the membership of the UMWA grew support in numbers.

In the 1970s and later on [edit]

Diana Baldwin and Anita Cherry-red are believed to have been the first women to work inside an American coal mine, and were the first women to piece of work inside a mine who were members of the UMW. They began that piece of work in 1973 in Jenkins.^[20] However, a general decline in matrimony effectiveness characterized the 1970s and 1980s, leading to new kinds of activism, particularly in the late 1970s. Workers saw their unions back downwards in the face of aggressive management.^[21]

Other factors contributed to the decline in unionism generally and UMW specifically. The coal industry was not prepared economically to deal with such a drop in demand for coal. Demand for coal was very high during World War II, but decreased dramatically later on the war, in part due to competition from other energy sources. In efforts to ameliorate air quality, municipal governments started to ban the use of coal as household fuel. The end of wartime toll controls introduced competition to produce cheaper coal, putting pressure on wages.^[2]

These problems—perceived weakness of the unions, loss of control over jobs, driblet in demand, and competition—decreased the faith of miners in their matrimony. By 1998 the UMW had about 240,000 members, half the number that it had in 1946.^[ii] Every bit of the early 2000s, the union represents about 42 percentage of all employed miners.^[2]

Amalgamation with other unions [edit]

At some point earlier 1930, the UMW became a member of the American Federation of Labor.^[22] The UMW leadership was office of the driving force to change the way workers were organized, and the UMW was i of the charter members when the new Congress of Industrial Organizations was formed in 1935. Even so, the AFL leadership did not agree with the philosophy of industrial unionization, and the UMW and ix other unions that had formed the CIO were kicked out of the AFL in 1937.

In 1942, the UMW chose to leave the CIO,^[23] and, for the next v years, were an contained union. In 1947, the UMW once once more joined the AFL, merely the remarriage was a curt ane, every bit the UMW was forced out of the AFL in 1948, and at that point, became the largest non-affiliated union in the United states of america.

In 1982, Richard Trumka was elected the leader of the UMW. Trumka spent the 1980s healing the rift betwixt the UMW and the now-conjoined AFL–CIO (which was created in 1955 with the merger of the AFL and the CIO). In 1989, the UMW was again taken into the fold of the big marriage umbrella.^[23]

Political interest [edit]

United Mine Workers meeting with Congressmember Tom O'Halleran in 2020.

Throughout the years, the UMW has taken political stands and supported candidates to help accomplish union goals.

The United Mine Workers ran candidate Frank Henry Sherman under the union banner in the 1905 Alberta general ballot. Sherman's candidacy was driven to appeal to the meaning population of miners working in the camps of southern Alberta.^[24] He finished 2d in the riding of Pincher Creek.

The biggest disharmonize between the UMW and the government was while Franklin Roosevelt was president of the United States and John 50. Lewis was president of the UMW. Originally, the 2 worked together well, but, afterwards the 1937 strike of United Automobile Workers against General Motors, Lewis stopped trusting Roosevelt, challenge that Roosevelt had gone back on his discussion. This disharmonize led Lewis to resign as CIO president. Roosevelt repeatedly won big majorities of the spousal relationship votes, even in 1940 when Lewis took an neutralist position on Europe, as demanded by far-left union elements. Lewis denounced Roosevelt every bit a power-hungry war monger, and endorsed Republican Wendell Willkie.^[25] ^[26] ^[27]

The tension between the two leaders escalated during World War 2. Roosevelt in 1943 was outraged when Lewis threatened a major strike to stop anthracite coal product needed by the state of war attempt. He threatened government intervention and Lewis retreated.^[28]

The UMW represents West Virginia coal miners and endorsed Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) in the 2018 U.s. Senate election in West Virginia.^[29] In 2021 the union urged him to revisit his opposition to President Biden's Build Dorsum Better Plan, noting that the bill includes an extension of a fund that provides benefits to coal miners suffering from black lung illness, which expires at the terminate of the year. The UMWA as well touted tax incentives that encourage manufacturers to build facilities in coalfields that would employ thousands of miners who lost their jobs.

"For those and other reasons, we are disappointed that the nib will not pass," Cecil Roberts, the spousal relationship's president said. "We urge Senator Manchin to revisit his opposition to this legislation and work with his colleagues to pass something that will help proceed coal miners working, and have a meaningful bear upon on our members, their families, and their communities."^[30]

Recent elections [edit]

In 2008 the UMWA supported Barack Obama as the all-time candidate to help achieve more than rights for the mine workers.^[31]

In 2012, the UMWA National COMPAC Council did not brand an endorsement in the election for President of the United States, citing "Neither candidate has even so demonstrated that he volition be on the side of UMWA members and their families equally president."^[32]

In 2014, the UMWA endorsed Kentucky Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes for U.S. Senate.^[33]

List of presidents [edit]

John B. Rae – 1890–1892 (founding president)
John McBride – 1892–1895
Phil Penna – 1895–1896
Michael Ratchford – 1897–1898
John Mitchell – 1898–1907
Thomas Lewis – 1908–1910
John White – 1911–1917
Frank Hayes – 1917–1920
John L. Lewis – 1920–1960
Thomas Kennedy – 1960–1963
W. A. "Tony" Boyle – 1963–1972
Arnold Miller – 1972–1979
Sam Church – 1979–1982
Richard Trumka – 1982–1995
Cecil Roberts – 1995–present

Districts throughout history [edit]

1890 [edit]

5 – Western Pennsylvania
6 – Ohio
11 – Indiana
12 – Illinois
17 – Due west Virginia
19 – Eastern Kentucky and Tennessee^[2]

1910 [edit]

1 – ANTHRACITE (North)
2 – Central Pennsylvania
5 – Western Pennsylvania
6 – Ohio
7 – ANTHRACITE (Central)
viii – Indian (Block)
ix – ANTHRACITE (Due south)
11 – Indiana (Bituminous)
12 – Illinois
13 – Iowa
14 – Kansas
16 – Maryland
17 – West Virginia
19 – Eastern Kentucky and Tennessee
20 – Alabama
21 – Arkansas and Indian Territory
23 – Cardinal Kentucky
24 – Michigan
25 – Missouri^[2]

1936 [edit]

one – ANTHRACITE (North)
2 – Central Pennsylvania
5 – Western Pennsylvania
half-dozen – Ohio
7 – ANTHRACITE (Central)
8 – Indian (Block)
nine – ANTHRACITE (S)
10 – Washington
11 – Indiana (Bituminous)
12 – Illinois
13 – Iowa
fourteen – Kansas
15 – Colorado and Wyoming
17 – West Virginia
18 – Alberta and British Columbia
19 – Eastern Kentucky and Tennessee
xx – Alabama
21 – Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas
23 – Primal Kentucky
24 – Michigan
25 – Missouri
26 – Nova Scotia
28 – Vancouver Island^[two]
50 – An confederate 'miscellaneous' and 'catch-all' district, including workers associated with, but not in, mines and mining. Included paint and chemical workers. Eventually information technology was captivated past the United Steelworkers of America

1990 [edit]

two – Central Pennsylvania
iv – Southwest Pennsylvania
five – Western Pennsylvania
6 – Ohio
eleven – Indiana (Bituminous)
12 – Illinois
14 – Kansas
fifteen – Colorado, New Mexico, Montana, and North Dakota
17 – Central West Virginia
18 – Alberta, British Columbia, and Saskatchewan
19 – Eastern Kentucky and Tennessee
twenty – Alabama
21 – Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas
22 – Utah, Wyoming, and Arizona
23 – Cardinal Kentucky
25 – Anthracite
26 – Nova Scotia and New Brunswick
28 – Virginia
29 – Southern Due west Virginia (eliminated in 1996)^[34]
30 – Eastern Kentucky
31 – Northern West Virginia^[2]

2013 [edit]

2 – Pennsylvania, New York and Eastern Canada
12 – Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Western Kentucky, Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas and Oklahoma
17 – Southern W Virginia, Eastern Kentucky, Virginia and Tennessee
xx – Alabama, Florida, Georgia and Mississippi
22 – Western United States
31 – Northern W Virginia and Ohio^[35]

References [edit]

^ "Who We Are, Where Nosotros Piece of work | United Mine Workers of America". Umwa.org. Retrieved 2013-xi-11 .
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^thou ⁵⁰ ^chiliad ⁿ ^o ^p ^q ^r ^south ^t ^u ^v ^w ^x ^y ^z United We Stand, The United Mine Workers of America 1890-1990, by Maier B. Play a joke on
^ Kris Maher, "Mine Workers Union Shrinks but Boss Fights On, Wall Street Journal, January 9, 2014 p B1
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d The United Mine Workers of America: A Model of Industrial Solidarity? Edited by John M. Laslett 1994
^ Lentz, Ed (2003). Columbus: The Story of a Urban center. The Making of America Serial. Arcadia Publishing. p. 93. ISBN9780738524290. OCLC 52740866.
^ George Harris Papers, 1880-1925. 1.75 linear feet, University of Maryland Libraries, State of Maryland and Historical Collections
^ Robert C. Tucker, Stalin in Ability (New York: Norton, 1990) 603-604.
^ Robert H. Zieger. "Lewis, John 50." American National Biography Online Feb. 2000
^ ^a ^b ^c "UMWA in Activity | United Mine Workers of America". Umwa.org. 2013-11-06. Retrieved 2013-11-11 .
^ Leavitt, Judith Walzer; Numbers, Ronald Fifty. (1997). Sickness and Wellness in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and ... - Google Books. ISBN9780299153243 . Retrieved 2013-11-eleven .
^ Morris Friedman, The Pinkerton Labor Spy, Wilshire Book Company, 1907, chapters XIX and 20
^ Letwin, Daniel L.(1998) The Claiming of Interracial Unionism: Alabama Coal Miners, 1878-1921. Chapel Hill: Academy of Due north Carolina Printing
^ Brownish, Edwin L. and Colin J. David, eds. (1999) Information technology is Union and Liberty: Alabama Coal Miners and the UMW. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press
^ Kelly, Brian (2001) Race, Class and Power in the Alabama Coalfields, 1908-1921. Urbana: University of Illinois Press
^ Coronado Coal 5. United Mine Workers of America, 268 United states of america 295, 25 May 1925.
^ New York Times: "Palmer to Enforce Constabulary," November i, 1919, accessed Jan 26, 2010
^ Stanley Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician (NY: Columbia University Printing, 1963), pp. 176-179
^ Robert K. Murray, Cherry-red Scare: A Report in National Hysteria, 1919-1920 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1955), p. 155
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e "The Nova Scotia Coal Strikes of 1922 to 1925". www.canada.ca. Canada Parks. fifteen February 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2021.
^ Klemesrud, Judy Lee (May 18, 1974). "In Coal Mine No. 29, Two Women Piece of work Aslope the Men" – via NYTimes.com.
^ Kim Moody. An injury to all: the pass up of unionism. London, New York: Verso, 1988, ISBN 978-0-86091-929-2, pp. 221–223.
^ "A Brief History of the UMWA". United Mine Workers of America. Retrieved 2013-eleven-11 .
^ ^a ^b "Private Tutor". Factmonster.com. Retrieved 2013-xi-11 .
^ Brown, George; David M. Hayne; Frances G. Halpenny; Ramsay Melt (1966). Dictionary of Canadian Biography . University of Toronto Press. p. 950. ISBN0-8020-3998-7.
^ Irving Bernstein, The turbulent years: A history of the American worker, 1933-1941 (1969) pp 719–720.
^ Irving Bernstein, "John L. Lewis and the Voting Beliefs of the C.I.O.' Public Stance Quarterly 4#2 (1941), pp. 233–249 in JSTOR
^ Hugh Ross, "John L. Lewis and the Election of 1940." Labor History 17.2 (1976): 160–189.
^ J. R. Sperry, "Rebellion Within the Ranks: Pennsylvania Anthracite, John L. Lewis, and the Coal Strikes Of 1943," Pennsylvania History 40#3 (1973), pp. 292–312 in JSTOR
^ "UMWA COMPAC Announces Endorsements for West Virginia Primary Election".
^ "Coal miners' spousal relationship urges Manchin to reconsider opposition to Biden plan". The Hill. 20 December 2021.
^ "McCain campaign'south final minute distortion of Obama's coal record an act of desperation". United Mine Workers of America. 2008-11-03. Retrieved 2013-eleven-11 .
^ "United Mine Workers of America". Umwa.org. Retrieved 2013-11-11 .
^ "UMWA endorses Grimes for Senate in Kentucky". Umwa.org. 2014-08-02. Retrieved 2014-09-xv .
^ "due east-WV | United Mine Workers of America". Wvencyclopedia.org. 2010-10-26. Retrieved 2013-11-xi .
^ "UMWA Offices | United Mine Workers of America". Umwa.org. Retrieved 2013-eleven-11 .

External links [edit]

Official website
Recall Virden: documentary on the mine wars in Illinois
West Virginia's Mine Wars
Called-for Up People to Make Electricity, The Atlantic, July 1974
Mary Harris 'Female parent' Jones, "Speech at a Public Coming together on the Steps of the State Capitol, Charleston, West Virginia," 15 August 1912 Voices of Democracy, West Virginia Mining and the Conflict of 1912
The Pinkerton Labor Spy, Capacity Nineteen, Twenty, and XXI (Colorado Labor Wars, 1903–04)

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Mine_Workers

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